Thursday, 29 January 2009

John Martyn RIP

Bless The Weather

Time after time, I held it
Just to watch it die
Line after line, I loved it
Just to watch it cry.
Bless the weather that brought you to me

Curse the storm that takes you away
Bless the weather that brought you to me
Curse the storm that takes you home.

Wave after wave, I watched it
Just to watch it turn
Day after day, I cooled it
Just to watch it burn.
Bless the weather that brought you to me

Curse the storm that takes you home
Bless the weather that brought you to me
Curse the storm that takes you away.

Pain after pain I stood in
Just to see how it would feel
Rain after rain I stood in
Just to make it real.
Bless the weather that brought you to me

Curse the day you go away
Bless the weather that brought you to me
Curse the storm that takes you away.







John Updike RIP

http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/books/remembering-upd/

http://www.newyorker.com/arts/critics/books/2008/02/11/080211crbo_books_updike




That bastard, Conformity, is killing us all!

http://www.newstatesman.com/philosophy/2009/01/british-oxford-bohemian

On the Record 5 Feb mp3 download

http://www.zshare.net/audio/54795533dd7fff01/


On the Record 29 Jan mp3 download - Motown special!

http://www.zshare.net/audio/5479316093d81856/


Tuesday, 13 January 2009

Sunday, 11 January 2009

Israel: Boycott, Divest, Sanction

by Naomi Klein
It's time. Long past time. The best strategy to end the increasingly bloody occupation is for Israel to become the target of the kind of global movement that put an end to apartheid in South Africa.In July 2005 a huge coalition of Palestinian groups laid out plans to do just that. They called on "people of conscience all over the world to impose broad boycotts and implement divestment initiatives against Israel similar to those applied to South Africa in the apartheid era." The campaign Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions--BDS for short--was born.
Every day that Israel pounds Gaza brings more converts to the BDS cause, and talk of cease-fires is doing little to slow the momentum. Support is even emerging among Israeli Jews. In the midst of the assault roughly 500 Israelis, dozens of them well-known artists and scholars, sent a letter to foreign ambassadors stationed in Israel. It calls for "the adoption of immediate restrictive measures and sanctions" and draws a clear parallel with the antiapartheid struggle. "The boycott on South Africa was effective, but Israel is handled with kid gloves.... This international backing must stop."
Yet many still can't go there. The reasons are complex, emotional and understandable. And they simply aren't good enough. Economic sanctions are the most effective tools in the nonviolent arsenal. Surrendering them verges on active complicity. Here are the top four objections to the BDS strategy, followed by counterarguments.
1. Punitive measures will alienate rather than persuade Israelis. The world has tried what used to be called "constructive engagement." It has failed utterly. Since 2006 Israel has been steadily escalating its criminality: expanding settlements, launching an outrageous war against Lebanon and imposing collective punishment on Gaza through the brutal blockade. Despite this escalation, Israel has not faced punitive measures--quite the opposite. The weapons and $3 billion in annual aid that the US sends to Israel is only the beginning. Throughout this key period, Israel has enjoyed a dramatic improvement in its diplomatic, cultural and trade relations with a variety of other allies. For instance, in 2007 Israel became the first non-Latin American country to sign a free-trade deal with Mercosur. In the first nine months of 2008, Israeli exports to Canada went up 45 percent. A new trade deal with the European Union is set to double Israel's exports of processed food. And on December 8, European ministers "upgraded" the EU-Israel Association Agreement, a reward long sought by Jerusalem.
It is in this context that Israeli leaders started their latest war: confident they would face no meaningful costs. It is remarkable that over seven days of wartime trading, the Tel Aviv Stock Exchange's flagship index actually went up 10.7 percent. When carrots don't work, sticks are needed.
2. Israel is not South Africa. Of course it isn't. The relevance of the South African model is that it proves that BDS tactics can be effective when weaker measures (protests, petitions, back-room lobbying) have failed. And there are indeed deeply distressing echoes: the color-coded IDs and travel permits, the bulldozed homes and forced displacement, the settler-only roads. Ronnie Kasrils, a prominent South African politician, said that the architecture of segregation that he saw in the West Bank and Gaza in 2007 was "infinitely worse than apartheid."
3. Why single out Israel when the United States, Britain and other Western countries do the same things in Iraq and Afghanistan? Boycott is not a dogma; it is a tactic. The reason the BDS strategy should be tried against Israel is practical: in a country so small and trade-dependent, it could actually work.
4. Boycotts sever communication; we need more dialogue, not less. This one I'll answer with a personal story. For eight years, my books have been published in Israel by a commercial house called Babel. But when I published The Shock Doctrine, I wanted to respect the boycott. On the advice of BDS activists, I contacted a small publisher called Andalus. Andalus is an activist press, deeply involved in the anti-occupation movement and the only Israeli publisher devoted exclusively to translating Arabic writing into Hebrew. We drafted a contract that guarantees that all proceeds go to Andalus's work, and none to me. In other words, I am boycotting the Israeli economy but not Israelis.
Coming up with this plan required dozens of phone calls, e-mails and instant messages, stretching from Tel Aviv to Ramallah to Paris to Toronto to Gaza City. My point is this: as soon as you start implementing a boycott strategy, dialogue increases dramatically. And why wouldn't it? Building a movement requires endless communicating, as many in the antiapartheid struggle well recall. The argument that supporting boycotts will cut us off from one another is particularly specious given the array of cheap information technologies at our fingertips. We are drowning in ways to rant at one another across national boundaries. No boycott can stop us.
Just about now, many a proud Zionist is gearing up for major point-scoring: don't I know that many of those very high-tech toys come from Israeli research parks, world leaders in infotech? True enough, but not all of them. Several days into Israel's Gaza assault, Richard Ramsey, the managing director of a British telecom company, sent an e-mail to the Israeli tech firm MobileMax. "As a result of the Israeli government action in the last few days we will no longer be in a position to consider doing business with yourself or any other Israeli company."
When contacted by The Nation, Ramsey said his decision wasn't political. "We can't afford to lose any of our clients, so it was purely commercially defensive."
It was this kind of cold business calculation that led many companies to pull out of South Africa two decades ago. And it's precisely the kind of calculation that is our most realistic hope of bringing justice, so long denied, to Palestine.
Further Reading: Disengagement and the Frontiers of Zionism
© 2009 The Nation

On the Record 29 Jan mp3 download

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On the Record 22 Jan mp3 download

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Tuesday, 6 January 2009

Israel's War on Gaza

UN Security Council Must Not Fail Civilians Caught in Gaza Conflict
WASHINGTON - January 5 -
Amnesty International today urged the UN Security Council to take firm and decisive action to address the increasingly grave situation in the Gaza Strip and southern Israel.

“Civilian casualties and destruction in Gaza are on an unprecedented scale. The UN Security Council must not remain silent. The Council can and must act and it should do so without further delay,” said Malcolm Smart, Director of Amnesty International’s Middle East and North Africa Programme.

There are growing concerns about the safety of the civilian populations in the area, particularly the 1.5 million Palestinians who are trapped in the Gaza Strip and facing a spiralling humanitarian crisis amid continuing Israeli attacks and after many months of blockade.

"The UN Security Council has a key responsibility to help ensure that the parties to the conflict respect international human rights and humanitarian law," said Malcolm Smart. “It is imperative that the Council urgently adopt a strong resolution condemning attacks against civilians by both Israel and Hamas and demanding that such attacks cease immediately.”

Amnesty International said the UN Security Council should urge Israel to lift restrictions on the passage of humanitarian aid into Gaza -- medicines, food, fuel and other necessities urgently required to alleviate civilian suffering -- and to allow humanitarian and human rights workers and journalists unfettered access to Gaza.

"With only a few exceptions, humanitarian workers and journalists have been barred from Gaza by the Israeli military since early November," said Malcolm Smart. “Their presence now is urgently required to independently assess humanitarian needs and report on the situation on the ground, including abuses of international law.”

Amnesty International also urged the UN Security Council to consider the deployment of international monitors.

“Civilians on both sides continue to pay a heavy price, which might be alleviated if international monitors were to be deployed whose functions should include verifying compliance with international law by both Israel and the Palestinian administration in Gaza,” said Malcolm Smart.

Background
More than 500 Palestinians have been killed in Israeli air strikes and other attacks since 27 December. Those killed include more than 100 unarmed civilians, including scores of children, as well as some 165 civilian police taking no part in the conflict. More than 2,000 Palestinian civilians have been injured. While many Israeli attacks have targeted and killed Palestinian combatants, including leaders of Hamas, other attacks have been directed at civilian buildings not being used for military purposes. They have targeted civilians such as police cadets, or have been disproportionate, recklessly endangering civilians and causing a mounting toll of civilian casualties. The number of civilian casualties is expected to increase further as a result of the ground incursion by Israeli forces which began on 3 January and the use of heavy weaponry in densely populated civilian areas.

In the same period, five Israelis have been killed, including three civilians killed in rocket attacks launched by Palestinian armed groups from the Gaza Strip.

Those killed in Israeli air strikes include:

• Eight-year-old Abed Rabbo al-Astal, his 12-year-old brother Muhammad and their 10-year-old cousin ‘Abd-al-Sattar, killed on the afternoon of 2 January while playing near their home in al-Qarara village, east of Khan Yunis (southern Gaza).
• Thirteen-year-old Sujud Dardsawi was fatally wounded on 2 January while in her home in the Shaja’iya district of Gaza City.
• Ihab al-Madhoun, a medical doctor, and Muhammad Abu Hasida, a paramedic accompanying him, were killed on 31 December as they were trying to evacuate people wounded in an earlier attack in eastern Gaza City. The air strike also damaged their ambulance.
• A night watchman/guard was killed on 3 January when the International School (commonly known as the American School, though it has no link to the US government), in the north of Gaza, was destroyed by an Israeli air strike. Known as one of the best private educational institutions in Gaza, the school provided education to hundreds of children from kindergarten to age 12.

As well as air strikes, Israeli forces have also used artillery – which is notoriously inaccurate and should never be used in densely populated areas – including from gunboats ranged along the Gaza coast.

Leaflets dropped by Israeli aircraft over Gaza have warned residents to leave the area, although they are physically prevented from doing so, causing panic and confusion among the population. Like the telephone calls made by the Israeli military to Palestinians warning them to leave their homes to escape attack, the leaflets seem to be random and dropped all over Gaza.

One Gaza resident, a supporter of the Fatah party led by Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, told Amnesty International:

“My children see the leaflets and go crazy with fear, they want to leave home; but we have nowhere to go. My family and my wife’s family live close to the border, in even more dangerous areas; and we can’t just stay outside, it is equally dangerous, children have been killed walking or playing in the street. There is no electricity, we can’t even find food, and we are not safe even in our homes. We have nothing to do with Hamas, I’ve been detained and harassed by Hamas, but the Israeli bombardments are indiscriminate. No one is safe”

The last two weeks of fighting have increased the humanitarian crisis caused by Israel's blockade of the Gaza Strip, in force continuously since June 2007. The UN and international aid agencies report that there is an acute shortage of food and most basic necessities. According to the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), Israeli bombardments have damaged water supply lines making it difficult for some families to obtain access to safe drinking water, and hospitals are running short of key medicines and depend on unreliable generators for their power. The Gaza Pediatrics’ Hospital reported that most of its windows have been smashed by the blasts and plastic sheets are being used to block the cold. An air strike on 2 January damaged a pipe supplying water to 30,000 residents of Nuseirat Refugee Camp, south of Gaza City. Continuous Israeli strikes also make attempts to carry out repairs extremely dangerous.

###

Amnesty International is a worldwide movement of people who campaign for internationally recognized human rights for all. Our supporters are outraged by human rights abuses but inspired by hope for a better world - so we work to improve human rights through campaigning and international solidarity. We have more than 2.2 million members and subscribers in more than 150 countries and regions and we coordinate this support to act for justice on a wide range of issues.


Keeping Out The Cameras and Reporters Simply Doesn't Work
by Robert Fisk

What is Israel afraid of? Using the old "enclosed military area" excuse to prevent coverage of its occupation of Palestinian land has been going on for years. But the last time Israel played this game - in Jenin in 2000 - it was a disaster. Prevented from seeing the truth with their own eyes, reporters quoted Palestinians who claimed there had been a massacre by Israeli soldiers - and Israel spent years denying it. In fact, there was a massacre, but not on the scale that it was originally reported.
Now the Israeli army is trying the same doomed tactic again. Ban the press. Keep the cameras out. By yesterday morning, only hours after the Israeli army went clanking into Gaza to kill more Hamas members - and, of course, more civilians - Hamas was reporting the capture of two Israeli soldiers. Reporters on the ground could have sorted out the truth or the lie about that. But without a single Western journalist in Gaza, the Israelis were left to tell the world that they didn't know if the story was true.

On the other hand, the Israelis are so ruthless that the reasons for the ban on journalism may be quite easily explained: that so many Israeli soldiers are going to kill so many innocents - more than three score by last night, and that's only the ones we know about - that images of the slaughter would be too much to tolerate. Not that the Palestinians have done much to help. The kidnapping by a Palestinian mafia family of the BBC's man in Gaza - finally released by Hamas, although that's not being recalled right now - put paid to any permanent Western television presence in Gaza months ago. Yet the results are the same.

Back in 1980, the Soviet Union threw every Western journalist out of Afghanistan. Those of us who had been reporting the Russian invasion and its brutal aftermath could not re-enter the country - except with the mujahedin guerrillas. I received a letter from Charles Douglas-Hume, who was editor of the The Times - for which I then worked - making an important observation. "Now that we have no regular coverage from Afghanistan," he noted on 26 March that year, "I would be grateful if you could make sure that we do not miss any opportunity for reporting on reliable accounts of what is going on in that country. We must not let events in Afghanistan vanish from the paper simply because we have no correspondent there."

That the Israelis should use an old Soviet tactic to blind the world's vision of war may not be surprising. But the result is that Palestinian voices - as opposed to those of Western reporters - are now dominating the airwaves. The men and women who are under air and artillery attack by the Israelis are now telling their own story on television and radio and in the papers as they have never been able to tell it before, without the artificial "balance", which so much television journalism imposes on live reporting. Perhaps this will become a new form of coverage - letting the participants tell their own story. The flip side, of course, is that there is no Westerner in Gaza to cross-question Hamas's devious account of events: another victory for the Palestinian militia, handed to them on a plate by the Israelis.

But there is also a darker side. Israel's version of events has been given so much credence by the dying Bush administration that the ban on journalists entering Gaza may simply be of little importance to the Israeli army. By the time we investigate, whatever they are trying to hide will have been overtaken by another crisis in which they can claim to be in the "front line" in the "war on terror".

© 2009 The Independent